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Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to present a conceptual framework of corporate political performance (CPP) in corporate political activity. In fact, CPP refers to political benefits obtained by firms when they formulate and...
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Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to present a conceptual framework of corporate political performance (CPP) in corporate political activity. In fact, CPP refers to political benefits obtained by firms when they formulate and implement political strategies to influence the public policy process though the investment of political resources. This paper focuses on answering what is perhaps the most fundamental question to strategy researchers: "How do firms engage in political strategies to improve their performance?" Design/methodology/approach - In building a theoretical framework, this paper, first, provides a historical analysis of political efficiency and effectiveness. Then, this paper attempts to illustrate conceptually our understanding of political performance process by a generalized and contingent approach. Finally, this paper discusses the framework, its theoretical contribution and practical implications for Chinese management, and comments on limitations for future research. Findings - The paper presents a conceptual CPP model that integrates political efficiency and effectiveness approach. In the conceptual framework, three phases of CPP include sources of political advantage, political competitive advantage and political performance outcome, and three dimensions are identified as political efficiency, effectiveness and adaptiveness. CPP approach is not a "generalized" nature of political performance measurement, as the difference among firms and industries in this area may be significant, which reflects the effect of context, reaction and outcome factors. Research limitations/implications - While it provides a strong theoretical foundation, this paper still has almost little empirical evidence concerning CPP process. However, how to measure CPP has increasingly begun to focus on an important research domain in corporate political strategy literature. This paper believes that this model has a need for future research to test its feasibility by using the measurement scales in Chinese context. Originality/value - This paper is original in its attempt to measure CPP to help the business practice in corporate of political activity, and broaden corporate political strategy research in mainstream strategic management.
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This article responds to Professor Barley's address in which he said that corporations have inordinate power relative to other groups in society because of their superior resources and relationships with political actors. The arti...
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This article responds to Professor Barley's address in which he said that corporations have inordinate power relative to other groups in society because of their superior resources and relationships with political actors. The article provides data on lobbying and political campaign contributions to show that corporations are dominant in resources, although nonbusiness interest groups actively use the same political activities. Also reviewed are prior studies showing that large corporations share intimate social networks with high-ranking public policy officials, leading to many benefits, including political power. The article provides conjecture that six conditions exist often enough to check the absolute dominance of corporate interests in public policy outcomes. The article indicates that contemporary organizational researchers have largely focused on the private benefits of corporate political activities and in turn have neglected to study the public economic, social, and political effects of such activities.
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We update the literature on corporate attempts to influence political actors, and thereby shape their governmental outcomes. Doing so allows us to recognize where the field has advanced, where it has not, and, importantly, reimagi...
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We update the literature on corporate attempts to influence political actors, and thereby shape their governmental outcomes. Doing so allows us to recognize where the field has advanced, where it has not, and, importantly, reimagine an agenda for research moving forward. Our review documents areas of research and levels of analyses within the literature and identifies a core and secondary issues including the overrepresentation of lobbying and campaign contributions, the U.S. context, legislatures as targets of CPA, and firm policy and financial outcomes. We use the review to update the conceptualization of the political marketplace, including the introduction of a new categorization of corporate political activity tactics (CPA) along the dimensions of formality and directness. What we call our political marketplace 2.0 then allows for an expanded agenda for research in the field, moving forward. Our review works together with a companion review on Corporate Political Connections, published in this same issue, to offer a holistic perspective on the boundary between corporations and political actors.
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This article distinguishes two approaches to study the political role of corporations. On the one hand, North American scholars have primarily understood the link between business and politics through the lens of corporate politic...
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This article distinguishes two approaches to study the political role of corporations. On the one hand, North American scholars have primarily understood the link between business and politics through the lens of corporate political activity (CPA) looking at how firms influence government policy. On the other hand, European scholars have recently promoted an understanding of corporate social responsibility (CSR) emphasizing that firms often assume a political role because they increasingly provide public goods and become involved in multi-actor governance processes. This article contrasts both approaches and suggests that differences in the way the political role of corporations are understood can at least, in part, be explained by the distinct nature of European/North American management scholarship as well as by the political environment in both regions. It is also suggested that both perspectives share a number of commonalities and complement each other.
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Purpose:Existing Australian (and global) gambling harm prevention and minimization measures are overwhelmingly based on self-regulation, using largely ineffective measures focused on individual behavior change. This is substantial...
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Purpose:Existing Australian (and global) gambling harm prevention and minimization measures are overwhelmingly based on self-regulation, using largely ineffective measures focused on individual behavior change. This is substantially attributable to resistance to effective policy change, driven by a well-organized and significantly resourced gambling industry. It is evident that the gambling industry (like tobacco, alcohol and the processed foods industry) has actively sought political engagement as a mechanism to resist policy change. However, unlike tobacco and alcohol, little research has been undertaken to examine gambling industry influence on policymaking. This study aims to describe and analyze the pattern of disclosed financial donations received by Australian politicians and political parties from major gambling industry actors during the period 1998-2018. Further, it examines apparent temporal relationships between donations and gambling legislation or policy positions. Material and methods:Donation data were sourced for the period 1998-2018 from the Australian Electoral Commission website. All data were classified according to donor and recipient and analyzed to provide descriptive statistics. Donations earmarked for specific campaigns, politicians' electorates or events were also identified. Results:The findings demonstrate that members of the gambling industry are consistent and substantial donors to both major parties in Australia. Furthermore, the pattern of donations provides evidence of temporal relationships between donations and federal and state gambling policy decisions and positions. Conclusions:Close examination of industry corporate political activities like political donations supports a greater understanding of the factors that influence the gambling policy environment and, as with tobacco, will contribute to more effective regulation to prevent and address harm.
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While extant research acknowledges the importance of information for corporate political activity (CPA), there is limited understanding of how information is actually used to deploy political strategies. This gap reflects a broade...
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While extant research acknowledges the importance of information for corporate political activity (CPA), there is limited understanding of how information is actually used to deploy political strategies. This gap reflects a broader problem in the literature whereby Big Data (BD) research is overly focused on the impact of information on market performance but overlooks the impact on nonmarket performance. In this paper, we draw on the resource-based view to conceptualize the interrelationship between BD (i.e. information) and CPA. We argue that CPA motivates BD investments, which, in turn, shape the organization of CPA and spur the development of data-driven political capabilities. Our conceptual model, which unpacks the intricate linkages between CPA success factors, BD and political capabilities, generates important theoretical, practical and further research implications.
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This paper investigates how firms' political capabilities and countries' political structures affect firms' lobbying decision. We use a cross-country, firm-level dataset that covers more than 22,013 firms in 46 countries to discov...
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This paper investigates how firms' political capabilities and countries' political structures affect firms' lobbying decision. We use a cross-country, firm-level dataset that covers more than 22,013 firms in 46 countries to discover that a firm's individual- and collective-level political capabilities are positively associated with lobbying. In contrast, the degree of checks and balances among bureaucrats in a country's political market is negatively associated with the firm's possibility of lobbying. Finally, we also find that the positive role of a firm's political capabilities in lobbying is mitigated by the degree of checks and balances among bureaucrats. This study contributes to the literature of corporate political activities by filling the research gaps (1) as considering both horizontal and vertical checks and balances among bureaucrats in political markets, and (2) as simultaneously considering firms' individual and collective political capabilities, by taking one more conceptual step on the literature of contingent dynamic capabilities and lobbying.
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Agency theory explanations for corporate political activity assume that managers distort resource allocation to invest in political connections to pursue personal benefits. While distorted resource allocations yield poor earning q...
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Agency theory explanations for corporate political activity assume that managers distort resource allocation to invest in political connections to pursue personal benefits. While distorted resource allocations yield poor earning quality, we expect that companies with efficient governance may curb this opportunistic behavior. We used matching procedures to identify the effects of financing political campaigns on the earning quality of the firm. We assembled an original panel of listed firms in Brazil from 1998 to 2013. We found that firms that donated to electoral campaigns had a lower earning quality than nondonor firms. Firms with superior corporate governance instruments were able to reduce the harmful effects on earning quality. These results support the tenets of agency theory in explaining why firms engage in politics.
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